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“Dr.
King’s Predecessors” William
C. Sasso January
14, 2007 I
was born in 1951, and while I lived through much of the civil rights
movement, I have to admit that I did not understand or appreciate its full
significance at the time. I knew of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the
Southern Christian Leadership Council, but I did not associate their
struggles with my own life. Only in my adulthood have I begun to realize
the beauty of their gifts to our society, and the scale of their courage
and sacrifice. At least for me, their stories form a living scripture, a
poignant story of the call to freedom and the struggle to live that call,
a modern Book of Exodus. Bayard
Rustin[1]
and Vernon Johns[2]
were very different people, but both played a meaningful role in that
modern Exodus. Each was, in a significant sense, a predecessor of Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. Had fate’s hand (or the random chance of human
experience, if you prefer) moved only slightly differently, it would have
been quite possible that either Bayard Rustin or Vernon Johns might today
be the name that symbolizes the sacrifice and the accomplishments of our
nation’s civil rights movement. As things have come to be, however,
neither of these is as well known today as each deserves to be. Vernon
Johns and Bayard Rustin were two radically different individuals: ·
Bayard Rustin’s suburban,
middle-class upbringing gave him an urbane, polished appearance, while
Vernon John’s rural childhood generated a blunt, even uncouth, manner. ·
Rustin was, for many years,
an ardent pacifist, and a disciple of Gandhi, not only in his social
justice work but also in his personal interactions, while Johns’ fierce
temper often led to his use of physical intimidation and the threat of
violence[3].
·
Bayard Rustin was a writer as
much as a speaker, so many of his words are available to us today, while
Vernon Johns was so gifted an orator – considered one of the nation’s
three premier African-American preachers in the 1930s – and blessed with
so powerful a memory that he didn’t need to write down his sermons, with
the unfortunate result that few of them have survived in direct form (what
we have, in most cases, are the recollections of those who heard him
preach). ·
And while Bayard Rustin was
often willing to work behind the scenes of the civil rights movement,
making his greatest contributions within the context of large
organizational efforts, Vernon Johns’ greatest gift was his willingness
to step out and speak the truth, even – perhaps especially – when that
truth set him apart. But,
for all these differences, there were also some striking similarities
between them. Both were passionate and articulate orators, and both
devoted their lives to the cause of justice, equality, and human rights.
Both have been described as “prophets” of the civil rights movements.
And both had roles – though very different roles – in shaping the
particular context within which Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was called
into leadership of the civil rights movement. As
you may be aware, it was during Dr. King’s time as pastor at the Dexter
Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, that Rosa Parks refused to
give up her seat on the bus, sparking the bus boycott that propelled Dr.
King into a leadership role in the civil rights movement. The previous
pastor at Dexter Avenue was Vernon Johns, and his work there had paved the
way for the congregation’s willingness to act in support of Rosa Parks
and the boycott. And shortly after the boycott began, Bayard Rustin was
sent to Montgomery to assist in the planning and organization of the
effort, as well as its transformation from a “boycott” into a
“nonviolent protest.” Vernon
Johns’ Story Let
me begin with the story of Vernon Johns, who was born in rural Virginia in
1892. His father was a farmer, a peddler, and a self-taught Baptist
preacher, and Vernon would follow his father in each of these professions.
At age three, Vernon would preach from the doorstep or a tree stump. His
education began in a one-room schoolhouse, followed by a Presbyterian
mission school, and some time at Virginia Seminary, an unaccredited
college. He then transferred to Oberlin University[4],
where he was for a time a classmate and academic rival of Robert Maynard
Hutchins (later President of the University of Chicago). In 1918 he
received his Bachelor of Divinity degree from Oberlin, and was ordained
into the Baptist ministry. After some further study at the University of
Chicago’s Divinity School, he embarked on a kaleidoscopic life
trajectory: 1920:
Lynchburg, VA, Pastor at Court Street Baptist Church and teacher at
Virginia Theological Seminary 1927:
Charleston, WV, Pastor, First Baptist Church 1927:
New York City, community service, married Altona Trent, a music teacher 1929:
Lynchburg, VA, President of Virginia Theological Seminary 1933:
Interim Pastor in Philadephia, PA 1934:
farming, operated a grocery store, traveled as a lecturer 1937:
Charleston, WV, Pastor, First Baptist Church (and also a fishmonger) 1941:
Lynchburg, VA, Pastor at Court Street Baptist Church (ousted by church
leadership shortly after his installation ceremony) 1942:
farming and lecturing 1948:
Altona Trent Johns (Vernon’s wife) takes a music faculty position at
Alabama State College in Montgomery, Alabama, and Dexter Avenue Baptist
Church, then in search for a pastor, invites her husband, the renowned
preacher Vernon Johns, as guest speaker one Sunday. Vernon
Johns preached movingly and powerfully that morning. Deeply impressed by
his forceful preaching and personal mastery of the Scriptures, the Dexter
Avenue congregation – composed of the elite of Montgomery’s
African-American society – dispensed with their usual ministerial search
process, which included reference-checking and a second trial sermon, and
voted to call him as their pastor that same day[5].
Thus, Vernon Johns began a ministry which included sermons on the
following topics: “Segregation After Death,” “It’s Safe to Murder
Negroes in Montgomery,” “When the Rapist Is White,” “Mud Is
Basic,” and “Constructive (or Creative) Homicide.” The
Dexter Avenue congregation was wealthy, well-educated, and professional.
It was, to a significant degree, invested in the segregated status quo,
rather than interested in changing it. While Vernon Johns’ eloquence and
erudition made him a good match for the congregation, in almost every
other way he was a rather dubious fit. He
was deeply committed to social change, while the congregation was at best
wary of it, and in some cases, even opposed to it. He retained a deep and
abiding sense of the fundamental value of productive manual labor (hence
his ongoing identity as a farmer), while Dexter Avenue was composed almost
exclusively of professionals, who distanced themselves from manual labor.
In appearance and manners, Vernon Johns was often “uncouth,” while the
congregation considered itself refined. This meant that he might preach in
disheveled apparel. It meant that he was capable of interrupting a
high-society wedding – just before pronouncing the couple “man and
wife” – with the announcement that he’d be serving watermelon in the
social hall after the ceremony for only 25 cents a slice (or $1.50 for a
half watermelon, for those more economically-minded).[6]
Another story, which expresses well the tension between Johns and the
congregation, concerns an interaction on the street in front of the
church, when Vernon Johns, selling fish from a truck, encountered Dexter
Avenue’s Senior Deacon and asked “Deacon, can I sell you a fish?”
The deacon’s response was “Dr. Johns, don’t you think fish mongering
is an undignified undertaking for a minister of the gospel?” To which
Vernon Johns responded “Deacon, do you think carpentry was an
undignified undertaking for the Savior?”[7]
And
during his four years at Dexter Avenue, Vernon Johns was a true prophet,
expressing his dissent publicly and without reservation, ardent in his
conviction, sensitive to the concerns of justice, and insensitive to the
proprieties that the community wished to observe. He spoke and acted out
of his sense that Montgomery’s systems of racial injustice were
intolerable, and had to change. For instance, because his sermons were
considered so “inflammatory,” he was hauled into Montgomery police
stations for questioning about them, but that never seemed to extinguish
the flame of justice that burned within him. And several years prior to
Rosa Parks’ refusal to surrender her seat on the bus, Vernon Johns
boarded a public bus in Montgomery, sat down in the front seat, and
refused to move when ordered to do so by the bus driver. However, rather
than sitting there until he was arrested and taken to jail, he demanded
the return of his bus fare, and when he received it, got off the bus. As
he left, he called upon all the other blacks on the bus to follow him.
None of them did.[8]
During
his roughly four years at Dexter Avenue, Vernon Johns apparently tendered
his resignation at least five times. In one case, he stormed out of the
building when the organist refused to accompany the Negro spirituals that
he wished the congregation to sing, but which the congregation felt were
not appropriate religious music for a community which had moved so far
from the enslaved and impoverished origins of those spirituals.[9]
In 1952, when they received complaints from members of the Dexter Avenue
congregation that Dr. Johns was selling a truckload of watermelons on the
Alabama State College campus (where many of them were on the faculty), the
Board of Deacons recommended that the congregation accept his latest
resignation, and the congregation voted to do so.[10]
These actions began another ministerial search process at the Dexter
Avenue Baptist Church – the one which would bring the young Martin
Luther King, Jr. to Montgomery, Alabama, in 1954. Bayard
Rustin’s Story The
story of Bayard Rustin[11]
begins in 1912, with his birth in West Chester, PA, a middle-class suburb
of Philadelphia, to an unmarried 16-year-old girl. He was raised by his
middle-class grandparents, members of an AME congregation. His
grandmother, in particular, was active in social causes, a charter member
of the NAACP and influenced by Quaker theology. At age 14, Bayard became
aware that he was gay, and his family accepted his self-understanding of
his orientation. He excelled in sports, academics, and music, and stories
about him include a stirring solo rendition of “Sometimes I Feel Like a
Motherless Child.” One wonders whether his relationship with his mother
might not have added poignancy to that spiritual for him. At
age 25, in 1937, he moved to New York City to attend the City College of
New York, but appears to have been more involved in the Harlem Renaissance
and the gay scene there. In 1938, he joined the Young Communist League,
convinced that the communists were most sincerely committed to working for
racial equality. He resigned his membership in 1941 when the YCL abandoned
racial causes after Germany invaded the USSR. At
that point he began assisting A. Philip Randolph, the nation’s
pre-eminent African-American labor leader, who was organizing a march on
Washington, DC, by American Negroes to protest segregation practices in
the nation’s defense industry and military. When President Franklin
Roosevelt issued an executive order banning segregation in the defense
industries (but leaving the military segregated), Randolph called off the
march. Rustin and others regarded this compromise as a betrayal, but
Randolph would remain an important mentor and sponsor for Rustin for the
rest of his life. Rustin
then began working as Youth Secretary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation,
learning about and promoting Gandhi’s techniques of non-violent protest,
and opposing U. S. entry into World War II. In 1943, after his request for
Conscientious Objector status was refused, and he refused to observe an
induction notice, Rustin was sentenced to three years in prison, where he
organized protests for desegregation of prison dining halls and chapels. After
his release from prison in 1947, he was active in the Journey of
Reconciliation, a series of freedom bus rides testing whether
desegregation of interstate bus travel – as recently ordered by the U.
S. Supreme Court – was actually being observed in Virginia, Kentucky,
Tennessee, and North Carolina. In 1949, he traveled to India as an invited
participant in a conference on nonviolent protest, and in 1952 he traveled
to Africa and met with leaders of national freedom movements in several
countries. He was, at this time, one of the most pre-eminent spokespeople
for nonviolent protest on behalf of racial justice in the United States. But
that was soon to change. In January, 1953, after speaking to a meeting of
the American Association of University Women in Pasadena, CA, he and two
other men were arrested for lewd conduct and he was sentenced to 60 days
in the Los Angeles County Jail. The ensuing scandal forced his resignation
from the Fellowship of Reconciliation and damaged both his standing in the
civil rights movement and his own self-confidence. For
several years, he remained on the sidelines of the movement, but in
December, 1955, shortly after the Montgomery bus boycott began, Rustin’s
“patron saint,” A. Philip Randolph, asked him to go to Montgomery and
share his expertise in nonviolent protest. There, Rustin worked behind the
scenes, assisting in the planning of the protest and training the
participants in nonviolent techniques. He helped Martin Luther King
develop his understanding of satyagraha as a practice as well as a
philosophy. For instance, he pointed out to King that the leader of a
nonviolent protest does not station armed guards outside his residence,
nor does he keep loaded guns in his living room. While
in Montgomery, Rustin disclosed his past (including his sexual orientation
and his Pasadena arrest) to King. While King was of the opinion that
Rustin’s organizing experience, political acumen, and networks of
influence outweighed the potential liabilities of his past political
associations and his arrest in Pasadena, other leaders of the Montgomery
protest did not agree. They feared that Rustin – a former Communist, a
homosexual, and a New Yorker, to boot! – was the archetypal “outside
agitator.” Rustin was smuggled out of Montgomery in the trunk of a car. Returning
to New York, he organized a major fundraiser for the Montgomery protest,
featuring Eleanor Roosevelt, Harry Belafonte, and others. Later, he helped
to organize both the Southern Christian Leadership Council and the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, in both cases working closely with Ella
Baker, another renowned civil rights leader. In 1963, although still
considered controversial by the leaders of organizations like the NAACP
and the Urban League, Rustin was selected to serve as the lead organizer
for the March on Washington. When A. Philip Randolph was nominated to
serve as chair of the March, he stated in no uncertain terms that if
elected, he would appoint Bayard Rustin to serve as Deputy Chair, and that
all who voted for him were committing themselves to support Rustin in that
role. The unprecedented success of the March was further evidence of
Rustin’s organizational skills. Martin Luther King, Jr., gave the “I
Have a Dream” speech, but Bayard Rustin created the context within which
Dr. King spoke. Thinking
back to Rustin’s criticism of A. Philip Randolph in 1941, when Randolph
compromised on his desegregation demands, it is ironic to realize that
Rustin himself, in the mid-1960s, found himself in a position where he,
too, appears to have compromised. An ardent advocate of the Johnson
administration’s proposed “Freedom Budget” (a part of the “Great
Society” program), Rustin counseled his colleagues, including Dr. King,
to moderate their criticism of the Viet Nam war, at least in part out of a
sense that such criticism would reduce administration support for the
Freedom Budget. This, with his growing ties to organized labor, his
opposition to the black power movement, and his strong support for the
Jewish state of Israel, led to his marginalization within the racial
justice movement as a relative political conservative. In
the 1970s, Rustin traveled abroad as a spokesperson for democracy and
human rights, visiting South Africa several times. In the 1980s, he began
to speak out on behalf of gay rights. And while no life is easy to sum up
in a single sentence, perhaps the great lesson that Bayard Rustin’s life
teaches is that the best way to end injustice for any particular group is
to work for the end of all injustice. Conclusion The
lives of these three men – Vernon Johns, Bayard Rustin, and Martin
Luther King, Jr. – are intertwined within the larger community of those
whose lives can be described as filled with a “hunger and thirst for
righteousness.” Concerning one of them, it has been written . . . [He]
was inspirational to the countless thousands who knew him. He wished, more
than anything else, to remake the world around him. He wanted to shift the
balance between white supremacy and racial justice, between violence and
cooperation in the conduct of nations, between the wealth and power of the
few and the poverty and powerlessness of the many. He believed that the
most antagonistic human relationships . . . could be transformed. He
believed that ordinary individuals could make a vast difference in the
world, and he communicated this conviction widely. This
description comes from Lost Prophet: the Life and Times of Bayard
Rustin, written by John D’Emilio (p. 2), but it could just as well
have been written of Martin Luther King, Jr. With deletion of the comments
on international relations, it could just as easily describe Vernon Johns.
Each of these three men dedicated his life to the cause of justice. Each
of these lives speaks to us today. As
we confront the continued presence of prejudice, discrimination, and
injustice in our nation and our world today, as we see evidence from this
past week that our nation’s President remains convinced that violence
can end violence, let us step forward in the spirit of these three
leaders. May
our voices and our actions speak out for the values that we share with
Vernon Johns, Bayard Rustin, and Martin Luther King. Jr. May we never
forget that the efforts of “. . . ordinary individuals could make a vast
difference in the world . . .” May we not only remember, but may we
accept the challenge to make that difference.
[1] My main sources for Bayard Rustin are Time on Two Crosses: the Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin, edited by Devon W. Carbado and Donald Weise (Cleis Press, San Francisco: 2003, cited as “CJ”) and John D’Emilio’s Lost Prophet: the Life and Times of Bayard Rustin (Free Press, New York: 2003, cited as “D’Emilio”). [2] My main sources for Vernon Johns include [1] Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63. Simon and Schuster, New York: 1988 (particularly Chapter 1: “Forerunner: Vernon Johns”); [2] Cooney, Patrick L., and Henry W. Powell. The Life and Times of the Prophet Vernon Johns: Father of the Civil Rights Movement. Published on-line by the Vernon Johns Society: 1998 (cited as “CP,” and citations will include chapter and page to be consistent with the online version’s numbering); [3] Luker, Ralph, E. “Johns the Baptist” (online source); and [4] Turner, Maelinda. “Vernon Johns: Farmer, Preacher, Civil-rights Pioneer” (online source). [3] See CP, chapter 25, p. 6, for example. [4] For a more extended description of Johns’ time at Oberlin, see Turner. [5] Branch, pp. 6-7, and CP, ch. 23, p. 12. [6] CP, ch. 25, p. 4. [7] CP, ch.25, p. 3. [8] Branch, p. 14, and CP, ch. 23, p. 7. [9] Branch, p. 19, and CP, ch. 25, p. 4. [10] Branch, p. 24. [11] A concise biography of Bayard Rustin’s life is presented in the Carbado and Wiese’s Introduction (pp. x-xli). Most of what follows is drawn from that source.
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